Source: Dui Hua (18 November 2014)
http://www.duihuahrjournal.org/2014/11/deciding-death-how-chinese-judges.html
http://www.duihuahrjournal.org/2014/11/deciding-death-how-chinese-judges.html
In the eastern part of
Beijing, not far from the city’s main railway station, sits an unmarked,
multi-storey office building whose importance can only be discerned by the
presence of armed police guards posted at its entrance. This is where the five
criminal divisions of China’s Supreme People’s Court (SPC) are located, the
place where the fates of the country’s death-row defendants are ultimately
determined.
A recent feature
article in Guangzhou’s Southern Weekly newspaper has shed new light on
how the more than 300 court personnel who work in this building handle the thousands of capital
punishment cases sent for final review each year. Below, we summarize
the article’s descriptions of the process in order to enable even more people
to understand the way that these life-and-death decisions are made.
After the appeals
process has run its course and a decision involving the death penalty takes
effect, the case file is sent to the SPC for mandatory review. The case is
first assigned a case number, and then all of the relevant case files are
delivered to one of the court’s five divisions according to the geographic
origin of the case or, in some cases, the type of crime involved.
Unlike the other four
divisions, which are larger and handle many more cases, the court’s second
criminal division is dedicated to handling review of some of the most sensitive
cases: those involving crimes by government or party officials; cases involving
foreigners or defendants from Hong Kong, Macau, or Taiwan; crimes under the
category of “endangering state security”; and cases involving defendants from
Xinjiang.
Division
|
Region
|
Specialization
|
First
|
Shaanxi, Gansu,
Qinghai, Ningxia, Shandong, Zhejiang, Anhui, Fujian
|
Crimes against the
rights of women and children, the environment, intellectual property
|
Second
|
Nationwide, Xinjiang
|
Crimes involving
people from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Macau, and foreign countries; occupational
crimes; crimes involving members of the armed forces; cases involving crimes
of endangering state security and politically sensitive cases; all Xinjiang
cases
|
Third
|
Yunnan, Guizhou,
Sichuan, Chongqing, Tibet, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Jiangxi
|
Organized crime
|
Fourth
|
Heilongjiang, Jilin,
Hebei, Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan
|
Major accident
liability crimes
|
Fifth
|
Beijing, Tianjian,
Liaoning, Shandong, Inner Mongolia, Henan, Hubei, Hunan
|
Drug crime
|
Source: Dui Hua, Southern
Weekly
Within each division,
cases are assigned first to quasi-administrative units divided either by
geography or case type. These units then assign each case to a panel of three
judges, one of whom is designated as the principal case manager. This judge
will take responsibility for reviewing the case files and liaising with lower
courts or law-enforcement agencies over any questions that might arise.
Sometimes, review of
the case files uncovers very basic errors that could have an impact either on
conviction or sentencing. In many instances, additional details or
investigation will be required, and sometimes the SPC judge handling the case
will have to go personally to the provinces to conduct investigations.
According to one SPC official, additional investigation was required in 39
percent of the cases sent to the SPC for review in 2013.
Under new provisions
introduced into the Criminal Procedure Law in 2012, judges are also required to
interview defendants before deciding whether or not to confirm a death sentence.
If the case is relatively straightforward, these interviews may be conducted
remotely via video feed. However, if more problems are uncovered in the case
file, then the judge handling the case will typically go to conduct the
interview in person. One judge told Southern Weekly that, in
the interest of reducing the burden on local courts, SPC judges try to minimize
travel to the provinces and attempt to handle multiple cases on a single trip
as much as possible.
The principal judge
will then write a detailed report covering the results of his or her review of
the case, summarizing any problems with the evidence or other issues that could
have an impact on conviction or sentencing. This report is then circulated
along with the case file to the other two members of the judicial panel
responsible for the case, each of whom conduct their own review and write their
own report.
Then, after each of
the three judges has reviewed the case independently, they meet to discuss the
case as a group in the presence of a court clerk. After coming to a decision,
the panel then reports to the responsible division head and SPC vice president.
If the decision is to execute the death penalty, the case then goes to the SPC
president for his signature.
If court officials identify
a problem with the panel’s decision or the panel is unable to reach consensus
on how to decide, the case might be sent to the division’s council of chief
judges for additional discussion. If this does not lead to a decision, the case
might be sent for discussion by the SPC adjudication committee or the special
committee for criminal adjudication. The Southern Weekly article
makes pains to note that these bodies play only an advisory role and that final
decision-making power rests solely with the three-judge panel.
As they review death
penalty cases, judges pay particular attention to issues of evidence and penal
policy. In recent years, the SPC has introduced and refined measures for
excluding evidence that has been obtained illegally, and the court’s stricter
line on evidence is one of the reasons why China’s highest court rejects
roughly 10 percent of death penalty cases each year.
The impact of penal
policy is much more fluid and hard to predict. Over time, the court has settled
on a number of general principles designed to reduce use of the death penalty.
For example, in cases involving the death of a single victim the death penalty
is typically waived if the defendant surrenders or if the case involves a
dispute among family members or neighbors. But putting these more lenient
policies into effect often requires overcoming resistance from a victim’s
family members. In fact, one reason why the process of reviewing death
penalties is often delayed is because efforts are underway to use court mediation
to “work on” these family members and obtain their agreement for more lenient
punishment.
For example, the
article reveals that in the case of Li Yan (李彦), whose sentence to
death for murdering her abusive husband caused a national sensation in 2013,
the SPC’s adjudication committee decided relatively early on that the
circumstances of the case did not require her immediate execution. The victim’s
family initially refused to accept anything less that Li’s execution, even
staging protests outside local court buildings. But rather than give in to such
pressure, the court delayed its decision until emotions died down and the
victim’s relatives were able to accept the decision.
As the Supreme
People’s Court Monitor blog recently pointed out, one potentially
groundbreaking reform being considered would ensure that all defendants in
death penalty cases are represented by a lawyer during the death penalty review
process. The Southern Weekly article reveals that the SPC is
in the process of drafting provisions entitled “Regulations on Considering the
Views of Defense Lawyers in Death Penalty Review Cases.” These follow on
amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law in 2012 aimed at strengthening legal
representation during the death
penalty review process that have not yet fully translated into a right
to legal defense for capital defendants. Ensuring that all defendants
in cases involving capital punishment have legal representation throughout the
criminal process, regardless of economic means, would be another important step
toward strengthening rights protections in the criminal process in China.
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